Archive for August, 2010

31st August, Male’, Maldives, Maldivestoday.com

The Ruling MDP has today boycotted peace talk between the opposition and the government. The peace talks were mediated by the UN resident co-ordinator in Maldives. The political landscape of Maldives escalated after the government decided to lease Male’ International Airport.

The ruling MDP did not inform the reasons behind the boycott.

updates coming

29th August 2010, Male’, Maldives, Maldivestoday.com

MBC the corporation established through a bill passed at the parliament has filed a case against the Ministry of Finance over the failure of MNBC (former TVM, Voice of Maldives) handing over the company to MBC. MBC is seeking to get compensation for the losses incurred to MBC due to governments failure of handing over the property and employees of TVM and VO to newly established MNBC.

MBC appointed Rajje Chambers which is a law firm owned by the former Attorney General & Special Advisor to President, Dr. Hassan Saeed and Former Justice Minister Dr. Mohamed Jameel Ahmed. The firm has successfully represented some of the recent high profile cases in the country.

In a press conference today regarding the MBC issue Dr. Jameel mentioned the reasons of filing a case against MNBC is to ensure freedom of media to everyone which is enshrined in the constitution is maintained.

The government hijacked state media following presidential nominees failure to get parliament approval to the newly established MBC.

The war ended in 1945, and due to Mohamed Ameen’s failure to follow the British Lieutenant Walker’s advice, the Maldive people experienced extreme hardship. Many people migrated from Gulhi island in Male’ atoll, but others died. This was what happened in many islands.

Meanwhile 25,000 rupees a month in foreign currency was sent overseas to pay for the living expenses of Abdul Majeed Rannabandeyri Kilegefaan, his younger son and associates, and about half a dozen elderly people with them. This arrangement continued for a long time. There is no reason why the leaders of the country should escape responsibility for people starving to death during WW2 in Maldives.

Abdul Majeed Rannabandeyri Kilegefaan had gone off and settled in Egypt in 1933. Immediately after the end of the war, he went to Colombo because Hassan Fareed had died without a child, and as Fareed’s father, Majeed had become the owner of Fareed’s property in Kandy. He sold it and bought a large three storey building in Colombo which contained six shops. It is on the junction of Banksal street and the second cross street on the sea-side corner. It was named the Fareed Building. From the rent it earned, 300 rupees were given to Sheikh Ali Hussein Didi, and the remainder was for Mohamed Fareed and Ibrahim Fareed.

Thus the 60,000 rupees that Hassan Fareed had taken to buy rice when he left in the Fathul Bari (after WW2 began), had now become a building. And it was just as the people in the north said � we never saw the rice. Hassan Fareed’s wife, Aminath Mohamed Didi, was paid 25,000 Maldivian rupees, as was her rightful claim. And she was given a house originally built by Abdullah Didi (Athireege Abdullah Didi). He had no children and his properties were inherited by Athireege family elders.

Very briefly, this is the story of the Second World War:
For twenty years (after WW1) there had been peace, and during that time the wealth generated around the world was at a historically record level. Then the Second World War began. According to Honourable Ibrahim Rasheed of Karankaage house, a trustworthy and reliable gentleman, a certain number of people did die of starvation during WW2, and this is corroborated by many elderly people. And people suffered from malnutrition too. Ali Hussein of Novelty said that people in other Maldivian islands ate the inside of papaya tree trunks. But people did not starve to death as they did later in the Ameenee Big Famine.

Addu atoll and Fua Mulaku did not suffer any effects of the famine. Fua Mulaku had enough vegetables and fruit growing on the island. Addu atoll had foodstuffs that were imported in large amounts for the British soldiers who occupied the atoll with their Pakistani and Indian labourers. Ameen Didi issued feeble instructions that the people of Addu should not have easier access to food than other Maldivians.

The Ameenee Republican Big Famine

Mohamed Ameen and Ibrahim Faamuladheyri Kilegefan 1948

The British-Maldivian agreement was prepared by Mohamed Ameen and he decided to hold the signing ceremony in Male’. The British High Commissioner W. Henkinson came to Male’ from Sri Lanka, and signing on behalf of Maldives on 24 April 1948 were the two members of the Council of Regency, Mohamed Ameen and Ibrahim Ali Didi (Faamudheyri Kilegefaan). Abdul Majeed Rannabandeyri Kilegefaan was there and he was saying the signing of the agreement was a great service for the country. Then, on 29 April 1948 we witnessed a koli being held for Mohamed Ameen, proclaiming him Dhoshimeynaa Kilege (Grand Defender of the country).

Mohamed Ameen had become a particularly highly honoured gentleman. His name was now Al-Amir Hajj Mohamed Ameen Dhoshimeynaa Kilegefaan. On the day the agreement was signed, Mohamed Ameen announced that the money owed by the islands for food they received, had been absolved by Abdul Majeed.

Ameen seizes Addu compensation money

Yaahunbaraahu

In 1947, Mohamed Ameen received �300,000 from the British, which was originally obtained from the Japanese by the Allies as compensation of the deaths and property losses caused by the sinking of the ‘Yaahunbaraahu’.

This vessel was an odi owned by Ali Didi, the son of Elha Didi. Only two people escaped death on this odi, Mohamed Manikufaan of Sikkage, and Ibrahim Didi, the son of Abbeyaa. These two were imprisoned in Singapore by the Japanese after the odi was gunned and sunk. Later, when the British recaptured Singapore they were sent back to Maldives with clear details of the ship’s accounts, handed to them by their British rescuers. Mohamed Ameen summoned them to the Home Ministry and ordered them to hand over the documents they’d received. I was given this information on 9 February 1998 during a telephone conversation with Mohamed Manikufaan of Sikkage.

Without any sense of decency, or care and sympathy for the widowed wives and children who had lost fathers among the many men killed, Mohamed Ameen deceived them and misappropriated their rightful property. Regardless of the fact that Ali Didi was wealthy, his son Mohamed Didi had been killed and he had lost the odi. Mohamed Ameen was required to pay this compensation money to Ali Didi. However, he acted terribly by committing this great deception, and at the same time he was accepting the title ‘Ameenul Gaum’ (Head of State).

There is no question that as soon as Hassan Fareed was missing (April 1944), Mohamed Ameen became the leader of the country. His behaviour wasn’t too bad then. When the Japanese were defeated, foodstuffs and clothing were delivered to private businesses and the National Company. Prices were really cheap, and this continued up to the signing of the agreement in 1948. After that, Mohamed Ameen’s manners began to deteriorate. His father-in-law Salahuddhine and Ali Kuda Rannabandeyri Kilegefaan had died. Abdul Majeed was happy to go with the flow. As long as he received money, Majeed was happy.

T. A. J. Noorbahi was the man who wrote the amounts on the board of all the fish that were brought into the Big Store. One day he would accept all the fish, and then on the next day all the fish would be taken to the Nagariya shop. All the people acting on behalf of the other shops would complain as they left the Big Store with empty hessian bags.

Mohamed Ameen was using this fish to borrow money in Colombo, via confidential letters, at the rate of one rupee for eight Maldivian rupees. The money lent to him in Colombo was from secret funds that had avoided tax. The money was being laundered into legal money. Thus Mohamed Ameen was paid illegal money that he could spend on whatever he liked. When this scam started, the amount of goods being imported into the country began to decrease.

1950
Mohamed Ameen was suffering from two chronic diseases � diabetes and high blood pressure. His tonsils were always infected and he often had a high temperature. He regularly took dispirin and other stronger medication. He was always being admitted and treated in the best Sri Lankan hospital, the Nursing Home. It was on High street, adjacent to the land-side of Galle Road. The managing director of T. A. J. Noorbahi’s company Baseer Ali and Mohamed Ameen were both students at St Joseph’s College, and very close friends. Once as he lay sick in bed, Mohamed Ameen sent a letter to Baseer Ali asking him for an immediate loan of 300,000 rupees and promising to pay in fish after returning to Male’. I think this money was borrowed in 1951. I have seen the letter, but that was after Mohamed Ameen’s death.

1940s
As mentioned before, Hassan Fareed’s disappearance in 1944 meant Mohamed Ameen inherited the leadership. The first large house he built with government money was Sosunge, for Annabeela Ameenath Hussein. Then he built the beautiful Orchidmaage for Annabeela Fathmath Ibrahim Didi. After this he built Billoorijehige for a very beautiful young woman who was studying in the Convent of the Holy Family in Colombo. Her name was Miss Fathmath Abdul-Wahhab. Mohamed Ameen also built a very large two storey house inside the grounds of King Ali’s palace for his second wife Annabeela Zubaida Mohamed Didi.

The Athireege compound as it exists now was all built with government money except the part that extends from east to west. A solid house (now called Vadige) was built for Vadi Dhon Manik, and a house (known today as Finifenmaage) was constructed for Masodi Mohamed Kaleygefaan. A very small house that belonged to Beyruge Yusuf Fulhu was rebuilt for Ameenath Faiza and renamed Daisymaage. After obtaining consent from Faiza’s father, Yusuf Fulhu, the land and house were registered in Faiza’s name. As well, another large block of land known as Daisy Fehi was given to Faiza. However, after Faiza became the wife of Sayyid Abbas, no building was constructed there. At that time, an immense amount of money flowed into the market to finance the building of these houses. All the houses were built from material purchased at any price from the market . Teak, and other good quality timber that had accumulated in government hands from the days when Abdul Majeed was in charge, were used in the construction of these buildings.

1952
Now the period of the Republic was imminent. Abdul Majeed Rannabandeyri Kilegefaan left Egypt and travelled to Sri Lanka. Shortly afterwards, he died on 21 February 1952.

Many girls were taken to Sri Lanka for their education and because they were friends of Mohamed Ameen Didi. The students stayed in the upper storey of Fehige in Colombo with Ameena Mohamed Ameen. Mohamed’s ‘friends’ stayed in Cosy Corner. In India, Mohamed Ameen had a very close girlfriend called Sheila. It was rumoured that she was one of the beautiful film stars in India. Through her, Mohamed Ameen met many film stars in Bombay. He reserved many rooms in five-star hotels and it seems that the compensation money for the loss of the Yaahunbaraahu was spent on these film women. None of the Maldivian girls received a single cent of those funds, that’s for sure.

Male’ street 1947

During the last half of 1951, Male’ was decorated in preparation for the announcement of a Republic. At that time the classrooms of the House of Learning (later, the Majeediyya school hall) were under construction. The on-site superviser was Nakhuda Hassan Kaleygefaan and Mundu Kuda Futhu. The outer perimeter walls of Majeedee Magu road were lowered to a height of 4 ft. and finished off with rounded coping.

It became difficult to borrow money from overseas, until a loan of 700,000 rupees was granted by the Sri Lankan government. I believe the debt, in the account of the government agent P.B. Umbichchi & Sons, had become too high. (The public became aware of this loan after the end of the Republic). With proper records being kept, a loan of 80,000 rupees was taken from a company owned by M. S. Hibathulla Bahi. I don’t know when this money was borrowed.

From this time on, a terrible famine began to spread all over the outer islands. People starved to death. This was because foodstuffs were not being imported. Fehige and Cosy Corner were full of female students and girlfriends. When the republic ended, it was discovered that about 50,000 rupees a month was being spent on these places.

People were dying of starvation and there wasn’t even any cloth to cover the dead. The junior island chief of Ribidhoo said he used a hessian bag to cover his nakedness. Mohamed Saleem, the son of the famous poet Adam Saleem of Hoarafushi island, told me over the telephone that his father told him that 12 people died on his island on one day. The sails of a grounded odi that was no longer suitable for fishing, were used to shroud the dead. Vashafaru Adam Abdul Rahman said that Ahmed Shafeeg, who was then an atoll chief, said to him that he had seen a dead mother and two dead children . The young ones had their mouths on her breasts. All three had starved to death in Felidhoo island, Felidhoo atoll. He wouldn’t admit that now.

Shaviyani atoll Kan’ditheem Katheeb was sitting in K. D. M. Shop No:2, and during a conversation he said that anyone who said magoo (scaevola taccada) leaves made good food, was given a Kaleyfaan title. It was also said that in some islands the shortage of cloth and weakness of the people resulted in the dead being covered in coconut frond thatch and buried in the soft sand near the beach.

Those who were able to go fishing were prohibited from taking a stove aboard, so they cooked fish in the sail. In complete secrecy, they brought the bits and pieces of food to their houses. If anyone was caught doing this, they were put in stocks and exposed to the sun and rain. There were stories that some people were hanged and fires lit under them. These acts were carried out by those atoll chiefs who were backing Mohamed Ameen. Some of the islands chiefs also joined them. According to reliable people, in Naifaru island the atoll chief Kaannaa Kaleyfaan distributed magoo leaves from uninhabited islands as food.

Here I will quote extracts from Essays II, by Honourable Al-Usthaz Ibrahim Shihab, Malas 37, NCLHR, 1992:
‘Maldives was starved in every meaning of the word. People ate leaves, and islands were in total darkness. The people were in a state of nakedness.’
‘People were suffering in this way, while in Male’ there were dances, silk clothes, tea drinking and feasts. Yes! We are now understanding the taste of it all..’ p.146
‘Yes! In Male’ some people were flying, living at the highest level of prosperity and happiness. But for many of the poverty stricken people in the islands, their food for that day was leaves from bushes.’ p.189
‘The treasury had become the property of those in power, their share depending on the extent of that power.’ p.194
‘The huge debt we owe to Sri Lanka is the other important economic issue we have to face.’ p.198

Republic Day
Nevertheless, Male’ was still being prepared and was nearly ready for the republic celebrations. The day of the announcement was imminent, and it was to be 1 January 1953.

On the morning of this day, ministers and men and women from the gentry were in official dress, and men and women delegates were brought from the other islands. All these people gathered in the conference hall at the House of Learning. The British officials from Sri Lanka arrived at the venue. They included the High Commissioner Sir Cecil Sawyer, Dr Sir Ivor Jennings, Royal Ceylon Navy Commander Royce de Mel, and the Member of Parliament for Jaailaa and former student of St Joseph College, Peris Perera.

The meeting began at nine o’clock. Right on cue, the ‘Head of State’ appeared in a military commander’s dress, and wearing a brimmed hat. Beside him, but one step behind, was Mohamed Zaki in similar attire. When he called out ‘Head of State’, everyone stood up. Maldive men who were not from Male’, had to wear a white turban on their heads. Kaanaa Kaleyfaan, Meynaa Kaleyfaan and Fenna Manikfan were also forced to wear the turban on their heads. During the republic celebrations, these gentlemen were given the titles reserved for non-Male’ Maldivians . Malin Moosa was given the title of ‘Maafahaiy’, and Nakhuda Hassan Kaleyfaan was made Ranahamadhi. Other titles were also proclaimed.

Many girls were brought to Male’ for the beauty contest. These girls were staying at Buchaage house, which was almost directly in front of Athireege house (Mohamed Ameen’s residence). There were about twenty of them, and their food was chicken curry, fish curry and boiled long-grained rice. They drank condensed milk tea and ate ‘Golden Pop’ biscuits. They wore ‘Number 3′ dresses, made of London fabric. [This was one the few designs that women were allowed to wear. The government gave permission for the wearing of three types of dresses. This permission was granted in May 1942]. The Republic was proclaimed and then the carnival began.

About twenty people from both sexes were in charge of this carnival. Among them were Mohamed Ameen and Velaanaage Ibrahim Didi, and other people of lesser status. Tea was arranged for them at Naadhee and the snacks available included deepfried fish balls, fish patties and savoury cake. This food was prepared at Athamaage house. The carnival days continued until at one o’clock each morning.

Abdul Latheef’s wife was Dhondhi. At the end of the carnival, Latheef was paid 600 rupees for the preparation of the snack food. Chicken samosa was made at a house in Henveiru ward. I believe they made about 1000 rupees by the time the carnival was over. It ran for ten days. For a year before the proclamation of the republic, Gulhi island (in South Male’ atoll) was where many people died of starvation. While the official teas and feasts were being served at the carnival, Gulhi island was becoming uninhabited. The situation was the same in the islands of Felidhoo atoll. Many people died because they were unable to walk without support, and couldn’t find anything to eat. Most people died in the small fishing islands. Shihab writes:
‘The president of the country seemed to have forgotten that he was a human being.’ Malas 37 p.194.

Tobacco banned and hands amputated
Well, it wasn’t surprising really. The constitution presented to the people had contained no rights for them. The Privileges Committee ruled with great power. Its chairman was Mohamed Ameen, and his anger could be intense. In a short time even the people in Male’ began to greatly disapprove of Ameen Didi.

Rice was rationed in Male’ to a half cup per person, and then there was the smuggling of tobacco into the country by some members of the Kandaa family from Maafannu ward. When the smuggling became public knowledge, orders were given for fifty people from each ward to gather at Naadhee (the public servants’ club) at eight o’clock in the evening. Everyone attended, and Mohamed Ameen said that all the people from Maafannu were thieves.

Hakeem Didi and fellow conspirators from Viligili island in Huvadhu atoll. They were accused of murdering the Huvadhu atoll chief, and plotting the murder of Mohamed Ameen using black magic.

And then there was the issue of the execution of Hakeem Didi, and the amputation of the hands of thieves. Among the people who’s hands were amputated were Hussein Didi of Badi Alibey house, and Sidi (also known as Ibrahim Waheed) the son of Kalhu Sidi. These two gentlemen were members of the gentry. Bodu Fenvalhuge Sidi went to see Mohamed Ameen and asked him not to amputate Hussein Didi’s hand.

‘All the gold has been recovered,’ argued Bodu Fenvalhuge Sidi. ‘The owners have no more complaints. Since it was a first offence, then in accordance with the law of the Shafii sect, the hand cannot be amputated.’
‘I have to execute a sentence given by the Honourable Chief Justice,’ replied Ameen.

On behalf of another person sentenced to amputation, Ibrahim Faamuladheyri Kilegefaan went to intercede with Mohamed Ameen. Faamuladheyri Kilegefan was closely related to Sidi on his father’s side. His appeals were also rejected.

The third person whose hand was chopped off was a commoner.

Anyway, all three men had their hands amputated at the wrist. The Sri Lankan doctor who was in Male’ at the time, John Ratnam, also asked Ameen Didi not to cut off hands. He showed Ameen a photo of a large machine and asked to be allowed to use it to dislocate the joint before the amputation, if it had to be done at all. He also wanted to administer a tetanus injection and anaesthetise the hand before the sentence was carried out. Kuda Ahmed Manik overheard these discussions and secretly told many people. There was growing anger among the population. People also heard about the protests of Velaanaage Ibrahim Didi, the vice-president, and this also became a commonly known secret.

As (Ibrahim Waheed) Sidi’s hand was about to be cut off, Velaanaage Ibrahim Didi suddenly fainted where he was in the forest in Hulhule’ island. He lay on the ground until he regained consciousness, and people believed he had collapsed because he was humane and kind.

Ameen’s finances
At this time, Hilihilaage Moosa Didi had been the deputy at the Home Ministry for two years. Before, Velaanaage Ibrahim Didi had held the position. It became a commonly known secret that Ameen Didi had bought a hundi (financial promissory note) valued at 25,000 Sri Lankan rupees for 200,000 Maldivian rupees, from Moosa Didi’s company at a rate of 8 rupees for one Sri Lankan rupee. 22,000 of the rupees from the company were packed into twenty-two boxes and taken by Ameen as diplomatic luggage to Sri Lanka in the M.G.R. Marukaaru. This also became a common knowledge.

Ameen Didi now believed he was all-powerful, enjoying the loyalty of the militia, the customs officials and young people. He distributed unlimited amounts of money to women who joined his supporters, and gave funds to his associates as well. About a hundred households were eating No:1 hard and tasty long white rice. In many other households, only tainted flour was being eaten. This flour had been released onto the market as ‘food’. Of the 4,000 people living on Male’, only about 200 ate good food.

Hathifushi Ramiza was the daughter of Hathifushi Dhon Manik, and her brother was Hathifushi Ali Manik. The mother of the children was Dhanvaru Aiminah. The father, Dhon Manik, was dead. This Ramiza was the girl who Ameen Didi loved most.
Ninety-eight pounds of sugar and a letter were sent to the atoll chief of Thiladhunmathi from the Ministry of Trade. At that time Thiladhunmathi atoll wasn’t divided into Haa Alif and Haa Dhaal. In the same vessel ( which belonged to Kulhudhuffushi Kokko Ahmed) was a letter from Mohamed Ameen along with two sacks of sugar, each weighing a hundredweight, for Vadi Dhon Manik. The letter instructed him to deliver the sugar to Dhanvaru Aiminah. The two consignments of sugar went aboard that same vessel. The writer has a signed handwritten document regarding this matter.

The end of the First Republic
Anyway, the end of the First Republic came near. After being very sick for a while, Ameen went to Colombo for treatment. On the advice of doctors there, he travelled to Madras in India. News of the long trip reached Male’. A group of younger people had the idea of handing the leadership over to the vice-President. Ibrahim Didi agreed. Very quickly, secret meetings were held in two houses in Maafannu and it was decided that they would gather at the parade ground after the Friday prayer on the 11th of the Hajj month, and overthrow Mohamed Ameen. The plan was successful, and it happened on 21 August 1953.

Less than a month had passed after the change of leadership, when Ibrahim Faamuladheyri Kilegefaan went to Colombo and obtained aid from the Sri Lankan government of 3,000 sacks of rice, each weighing 150lbs. From Pakistan, there was aid in the form of 4,000 sacks of long-grained rice, each sack weighing 200lbs. Faamuladheyri Kilegefan hired a boat called ‘Safina Thariq’ and took this cargo, along with rice, sugar, and flour to Male’ for Zaib Ali, the Director of T. A. J. Noor Bahi.

The fish sold to the Big Store were now distributed to businesses in accordance with their rightful quotas, and supplies � rice, sugar, flour, areca nut and betel leaf eating condiments, and spices � all increased very quickly. These goods were transported to the other islands and less than three months after the end of Ameen’s rule, the eating of magoo leaves in Maldives ceased.

People had begun to receive decent food, but nothing could be done about the debts. More details about this appear in many of my other writings in the daily newspaper, Aafathis. Goods came into the country regularly after the end of World War 2 in 1945, and seven years went safely by. Then came the Big Famine that Ameen Didi inflicted on the people.

Two widely separated famines have been joined together by certain noble members from Huraage, Ameen Didi’s girl-friends and others who would falsify history. Regardless of what they have written, this later famine cannot be connected with World War 2. The term ‘ration card disease’ (a protruding stomach due to malnutrition) comes from the time of the Ameenee Famine.

Author’s note
I, Abdul Hakeem Hussein Manik, wrote this document in response to the accounts written, with the approval of the government, which claim that this famine never happened. This falsehood is even being taught in our schools, in the ‘Social Studies’ curriculum. Also, there are many middle-aged people who talk about this famine, but they pretend they don’t know what really happened.

And then there are those who are involved in writing history. One of them is Naibuge Haleem, another is Abdullah Sadiq. Koli Ahmed Manik also ignored this famine in his writing, even though he was very well aware of it.Ahmed Shafeeg, the son of Medhu Gan’duvaru Thuththu Manippulhu, was misleading and lying when he wrote that the Ameenee Big Famine didn’t occur. His account has even been published.

This statement is written by
Abdul Hakeem Hussein Manik
Everglory house
Machangoalhi ward
Male’

Part 1 – by Abdul Hakeem Hussein Manik, Everyglory house, Maldives, Maldives 1999
translated by Fareesha Abdulla and Michael O’Shea, with assistance from Majid Abdul-Wahhab.

The first world war started in 1914, and ended with the defeat of Germany in 1919. During this time Athireege Abdul Majeed Didi was the political leader of the country. Later he became known as Abdul Majeed Rannaban’deyri Kilegefaan.

Binbi (finger millet) and kudhibaiy (common millet) were commonly cultivated in the Maldives, and binbi can be stored for a long time. At the treasury building, a very large warehouse was built. This was a time when tax was collected on agriculture by the government, and all the binbi collected as tax was stored in the warehouse.

Long before the start of the war, the the Maldive importing and exporting trade was in the hands of the Borah traders. The largest shop in the Maldives bazaar was E. G. Adam Ali’s main shop, and the manager was Ibrahim Didi. He was popularly known as Baburu Ibrahim Didi.

The writer of this document (Abdul Hakeem Hussein Manik) was born on 16 April 1916, during the first world war. My father was working at the treasury building. Although it was under the ultimate control of Abdul Majeed Didi, the treasury building was run by Abdullah Didi, the son of Holhudhoo Navin Dhon Manik. The manager of the warehouses was Hussein Manik, the son of Kalhu Ali Manik.

At this time, the population of Maldives was about 70,000. Maldives and other islands were full of huge breadfruit trees and in Maldives there were many mango trees. Papayas, sweet potatoes and pumpkins grew throughout the islands, and the people needed only a limited amount of extra food.

The Borah traders acted meanly during the first world war, though the war itself never reached the Suez canal. Even so, the price of a 150lb sack of Rangoon rice was raised to 50 rupees. When news of the war first reached Maldives, the price of a sack of rice was between 6 and 7 rupees. My father said that the manager, Ibrahim Didi, used his hands to measure out the rice. One and half naalhimeasures were sold for one rupee. (One naalhi is approximately 2lb, so one and half naalhi is about 3lb.) With a sack weighing 150lb, this meant it was sold for 50 rupees. In the same way, the price of sugar also went up. In those days it was cane sugar. Beet sugar had not yet been introduced to Maldives.

The government did nothing to control the prices. Instead they sent binbi grain to some of the atolls to alleviate the rice shortage.

The writers who have claimed that Maldives’ first major famine occurred at this time are being grossly deceptive. They are claiming this is the one of two major famines that occurred in Maldives during wartimes, although they know very well that these claims are false.

In WW1, British warships came to Maldives. They asked if a German ship had stopped here, and then they left. It was during the war that a buoy-like thing (probably a mine) was washed onto the beach at Kudarikilu island in Baa atoll. Twelve people fishing found it. One of them hit it with a stick and it exploded. The people near the bomb were blown to pieces, and it was said that bits of skin and bone were plastered on the trunks of coconut trees.

Mohamed Ameen, and others who falsify history, talk about people starving during this war, and have written about it. In addition, Mohamed Ameen wrote that his father Ahmed Kuda Doshimeynaa Kilegefaan went to Colombo to procure rice. This is something that the Borah traders, and Maldivians who are aware of what was happening at that time, will not accept at all.
Ibrahim Dhoshimeynaa Kilegefaan and his older son Ahmed Kuda Dhoshimeynaa Kilegefaan received help from E. G. Adam Ali in their attempt to end the political independence of Maldives, and overthrow of the monarchy of Haji Imadhudheen. Therefore, the father and son would not act in any way against the financial interests of E. G. Adam Ali, regardless of any advantage that might come to the people of Maldives. This matter was made very clear by Mohamed Ismail Didi’s book, ‘Memories of a Son’.

At the age of seven, Hassan Fareed left Maldives to study, and Mohamed Ameen wrote in his book ‘Gratitude of a Son’, that the first world war started before the government trading boat carrying Fareed entered Colombo harbour in Sri Lanka.

Mohamed Ismail Didi’s ‘Memories of a Son’ clearly explains the depth of the relationship between E. G. Adam Ali and this father and son.

Abdul Majeed (later Rannaban’deyri Kilegefaan) was partly opposed to the Borahs and the British. It was Abdul Majeed Didi who ordered E. G. Adam’s shop torn down after the death of Majeed’s father, Ibrahim Dhoshimeynaa Kilegefaan. In the same place, he had the Big Store built. These events show that Abdul Majeed was not in complete agreement with his father and older brother.

Famine during World War II
The first major famine occurred during the second world war. Unlike WW1, this war spread all over the world. It started in 1939 and ended in 1945. On one side were Germany, Italy and Japan. Britain, America, Russia, China, large and small European countries, and other countries of the world united and became the ‘Alliance’. The war ended with the defeat of the German side.

When news arrived in Maldives about the start of the second world war, Hassan Fareed Didi, who was responsible for all matters relating to the war, abandoned the Ministry of the Interior and all the other responsibilities he held. He became a minister of state.

Hassan Fareed

Hassan Fareed and his wife, accompanied by twelve guards, left Maldives in the royal Fathul Bari ship with sixty thousand silver rupees to buy government rice. Bandhu Moosa Kaleygefaan was in charge of the guards, and the ship went to Cochin. The money was taken from Cochin to Beypore and delivered to P. P. Hassan Koi (or Koya), the owner of the P.B. Umbichchi & Sons. Then Hassan Fareed and his wife, and the guards, went to Colombo by train. They spent sixty thousand rupees buying a property consisting of four hills and a garden with a beautiful small house on one of the hills.

Each morning, Hassan Fareed would commute to Colombo by car. It was a three hour trip. At this time the office of the Maldive Representative was a house on Flower road. It was rented by Hussein Hilmy, and his family lived there with him.

When he left Maldives, Hassan Fareed took a letter with a signature which allowed him to withdraw money from the office of the P.B. Umbichchi & Sons with the presentation of his own signature. From then on the withdrawal of money on letters from Hussein Hilmy was stopped.

In the very early days of the war, before the Borah traders had heard war had broken out, they were buying a hundredweight of fish for twenty-eight rupees. A hundredweight of fish was bartered for four sacks of Rangoon rice, weighing 150lbs each. A sack of cane sugar weighing two hundredweight was being sold for 13 rupees.

All of a sudden, they began to pay 7 rupees for a hundredweight of fish, and they wanted 10 hundredweight of fish for a sack of rice. At this time, the manager of Old Giraavaru shop, Najar Bahi, known as ‘Two-head Najar’ bought fish at the rate of seven rupees per hundredweight and stored it in a large, poorly built warehouse made of corrugated iron. The three most prominent Maldive businessmen, Kolige Umar Manik, Buruneege Ibrahim Didi and Hilihilaage Moosa Didi, discussed purchasing fish in the shop owned by Buruneege Ibrahim Didi. The manager at the time was Abdul Hakeem Hussein Manik (the writer). Umar Manik decided to buy fish, but the other two declined. Umar paid 7 rupees per hundredweight, and he stored his fish in a warehouse called ‘Maajehi’ warehouse. It was built with brick and mortar, and inside was dry and clean. White sand covered the floor. The warehouse was filled with 800 hundredweight of fish.
Mohamed Ameen Didi did not write about this.

During the early days of the war, Representative Hussein Hilmy Didi arrived in a chartered cargo boat loaded with foodstuffs. There were 4,700 sacks of rice, 2400 sacks of unhusked rice, and 150 sacks of flour  7,250 sacks in total. This is referred to on page 151 of ‘Maldives under a Cloud of War’ (by Mohamed Ameen Didi).

The boat left carrying 400 sacks of dried fish owned by Kolige Umar Manik and another 400 sacks of fish that Umar had sold to Hibathulla Bahi’s shop at a rate of 14 rupees (per hundredweight), with the money to be paid in Colombo. The fish stored in the warehouse used by Old Giraavaru shop was eaten by weevils into a heap of dust. According to discussion in the bazaar, about 2,000 hundredweight of fish were ruined. The massive loss had to be borne by the ‘wise’ Najar Bahi, the famous ‘Two-headed Najar’. From memory, customs officials did not allow that fish to be loaded onto the boat.

The 400 hundredweight of fish owned by Umar Manik fetched 80 rupees per hundredweight in Colombo, and Hibathulla Bahi’s fish sold for only 14 rupees per hundredweight. Kolige Umar Manik suddenly became very wealthy.

The Big Store
When the Borahs refused to pay any acceptable price for the dried fish, Mohamed Ameen decided to allow the Big Store (owned by the Maldive government) to open, and buy fish for the government. This building had been strongly constructed by Abdul Majeed Rannabandeyri, specifically for this purpose.

All the Maldive businessmen, and some members of the Majlis, expressly stated that it was not right for the Big Store to buy fish on behalf of the government. These businessmen were Kolige Umar Manik, Ibrahim Hassan Didi, Mohamed Ismail Didi, Hilihilaage Moosa Didi, and Ibrahim Didi. However, the determined Mohamed Ameen proposed a bill to the Majlis to allow the government to buy fish. With the exception of Umar Manik, all of the gentlemen mentioned above and Kuda Dhaharaage Ibrahim Didi, spoke against it, saying the plan was something that should not be embarked on.

Nevertheless, some members of the Majlis agreed with Mohamed Ameen and the bill to open the Big Store was passed. Mohamed Ameen awarded the title of ‘Kaleygefaan’ to Moonim Hassan Bahi of Nagariya shop. He agreed to buy a quarter of the fish for the Bodu Store. The other quarter was for the government. That took care of 50% of the fish. The remaining 50% was open to market quotas. Different businessmen took portions, until the quotas were filled.

The Borah traders held a number of meetings, and though they pretended to be kind, they attempted to intimidate Mohamed Ameen. Hilihilaage Moosa Didi was the managing partner of MM Ibrahim Didi’s company. At the time, he told this writer that Mohamed Ameen didn’t know what was going to happen with the fish, and that the Bombay people [another name for the Borahs who actually from Colombo but considered themselves descendents from Gujerati Borahs] were telling him there was no profit in the trade. The writer was then asked not to talk about the reality of the situation. ‘Otherwise we won’t be able to buy any fish,’ said Moosa. I didn’t reply one way or the other.

The Big Store was opened on 10 December 1942, and the first manager was Nakhda Hassan Kaleygefaan. The assistant manager was Kolige Umar Manik. From the beginning, the store bought hundredweights of fish from the middle atolls of Maldives for 28 rupees. From Huvadhu atoll, the price was 32 rupees. In each case, the fish was sold on to the private businessmen at a five rupees profit. I remember well that these were the prices at the opening of the store. Mohamed Ismail Didi quotes the same prices in his book ‘Motorboat Revolt’. He also says that Hassan Fareed officiated at the opening of the Big Store. This is incorrect, as he may be well aware, because at that time Hassan Fareed was in Colombo.

Due to the circumstances surrounding the opening of the Big Store, morale was low among businessmen, but the store itself ran very well.

War food rationing and the Northern Uprising
When the war started, Hassan Fareed was in power and he made rationing arrangements from the very beginning so that each person in Maldives was to receive a cup of rice per day, while the people in the other islands were given half a cup of rice daily. Mohamed Ameen changed this arrangement, and Maldives islanders saw their ration cut to half a cup per day, while people in the outer islands were given only a quarter of a cup.

When we heard the war had started, the market was full to the brim with rice and sugar. At that time, wheat had not been introduced to Maldives, or at least it was very uncommon. But during the war years, wheat became widely available as all the food in the marketplace was taken over by the government at controlled prices.

Due to the changes that Mohamed Ameen introduced, there was a huge revolt called the Northern Uprising. The Chief Khatheeb of Kulhudhuffushi, and Mudhin Kaleyge of Maalhendhoo, Lagodi Maalimee and chiefs from other northern islands, all came together in dhoani and baththeli and filled Maldives harbour. This was described in the ‘Finihiyaa’ magazine of March 1988. But there was something omitted from that account that should be mentioned.

During that revolt, people were arrested in Kulhudhuffushi island, and Mohamed Didi, the son of Maafaiy Kilegefaan, and Mohamed Jameel wrote letters. Mohamed Jameel wrote in 1989 in ‘Memories of the Thiladhunmathi trip’ (see ‘Malas’ 21 p.23):
‘How are we going to get anything? All the profit is taken and poured into Galle! Once they took away 24,000 rupees, and recently they took another 32,000 rupees! That’s why we have nothing, and have to die of starvation.’ The Thilandhunmathi people came to Mal� on 3 March 1943. Hoarafushi Katheeb Thakurufaan, Usman Ibrahim said, ‘If all the ambergris that was washed up on Maldives was sold, and the money from this alone was put in the bank, then this famine would not come to Maldives.’ This was the sort of thing being said in Kulhudhuffushi and around the atoll. ‘Hassan Fareed, accompanied by soldiers, has left for Cochin in the royal ship Fathul Bari with 60,000 rupees, to buy rice. That rice never came!’

Hoarafushi Katheeb Thakurufaan Dhiddhoo Dhon Ali Haji Kaleygefaan, and Hathifushi Dhon Manik were on the side of the government, but they were accused of lying. This was all written on page 2 of ‘Aafathis’ newspaper on the 17 March 1993.

Lieutenant Walker was sent to Maldives by the Civil Defence Commission to advise the government on food distribution. He came to Maldives in the S.S. Shenkin on 21 December 1943. Hassan Fareed was also in Maldives at that time. Walker advised that every island in Maldives should receive rations of half a cup of rice per person per day, along with sugar and flour at the same measure. He advised that all foodstuffs be kept under government control, and all fish caught in each island should go to the Big Store. Regardless of whether the accounts balanced or not, no one was to die of starvation.

All the Borah and Maldive traders who were taking quotas of fish, held a meeting in the Customs building. Walker and Mohamed Ameen were at the meeting. Walker said that from that day on, all foodstuffs imported into Maldives should be sold to the government. The government would not be able to pay for everything at once, so each person would have a government account. The imported food was to be recorded in that account at the controlled price. The fish and other saleable items bought from those islands would be recorded in those same accounts. Some islands would be permanently in debt, but this was not to be taken into consideration. The same applied to the fish that were sent to the Big Store. The government was to take responsibility for the debt. The British government would provide other assistance apart from financial aid.

To facilitate this arrangement, Mohamed Ameen with advice from Hassan Fareed, set up a Food Organisation Committee. It was called the Food Organisation Committee. Mohamed Ameen was its chairman. After making two trips to both ends of Maldives, Hassan Fareed left Addu in a small ship called the H.M.S. Malloy for Sri Lanka. That ship was sunk by the Japanese (in 1944), halfway between Maldives and Sri Lanka. Hassan Fareed and Walker died, along with the entire crew.

Thus Mohamed Ameen was left in control of both the rudder and sail of Maldives.

It was rumoured in Maldives that Walker had come to the capital at the instigation of Hussein Hilmy Didi, the Representative in Colombo. But it is more likely that it was the doing of Hassan Fareed. Later, Ameen did not arrange the rationing of the food as he had been advised. Even though they were first cousins, both Fareed and Ameen wanted to be the leader.

I will now write a little about how the food was received. Although no orders had been sent, P.B. Umbichchi & Sons, who were agents for both government and private businesses, sent 200 sacks of Italian millet, weighing two hundredweight each, to the shop owned by Ibrahim Hassan Didi. The same boat brought another 200 sacks of Italian millet for Ibrahim Didi’s shop (Ibrahim Didi and Ibrahim Hassan Didi are two different people). With regard to the pricing of this Italian millet, both shops submitted letters for their accounts at a price of 14 rupees per sack. The matter of payment ended there.

This shipment arrived in 1942, when the writer was manager of Ibrahim Didi’s shop. Due to efforts made by Ameen Didi, the SS Shenkin cargo boat, accompanied by a British convoy, brought 4,000 sacks of wheat and rice into the country in April 1944 Again, at the end of May 1944, 4,000 more sacks of wheat and rice were brought to Mal� in the SS Shenkin under the protection of a British convoy. This is written in Ameen’s ‘Maldives under a Cloud of War’ on page 285.

At one time, Mohamed Ameen arrived in Colombo when all the Maldive trading boats were anchored in Colombo harbour. He found that the captains and crew were on strike, demanding that their salaries be doubled. His hard work to solve the matter is described in detail in chapter 12 of ‘Maldives under a Cloud of War’. The successful Mohamed Ameen returned to Maldives via Addu, in the S.S. Maharaja, with 6,000 8,000 sacks of rice, wheat, and wheat flour. That boat left Colombo in August 1944.

Six varieties of grain were brought to all the major Borah traders and to three shops owned by Maldivians. This was the time the Food Organisation Committee was established, near the end of WW2.

In 1944, a lot of flour was brought to Long Shop, owned by T. A. J. Noor Bahi. It was rumoured that 20,000 sacks were delivered by this shop’s boat. The government also had a lot of flour. From memory, I think the controlled price of the government stock was 42 rupees per sack. The shop reduced its price to 8 rupees below the controlled price, but Mohamed Ameen was determined not to take any loss, and forced the Food Organisation Committee to gather for a meeting. Some of the members of the committee were Kolige Umar Manik, Hilihilaage Moosa Didi, Ibrahim Hassan Didi, Kuda Dhaharaage Ibrahim Didi, Mohamed Naseer Manik (M. N. M.) and other members. The chairman of the committee was Mohamed Ameen Didi.

The members were expressing their views, when Mohamed Naseer Manik suggested that if there was control over rising prices then there could be control over falling prices. A silence spread over the meeting. Even Ameen Didi smiled involuntarily. Other members were lost for words and Ameen closed the meeting at that point.

The Food Organisation Committee informed the market that those who had brought in the most food during the previous three solar months now had an increased quota in relation to their imports. The managers of the Big Store would remember this. This raised the level of competition, and due to the high profits to be made from fish, and the fact that those importing more food received more fish, even more food was imported.

During the war, a naalhi of rice was available at times on the black market for one rupee 25 laari, and people starved to death on some islands. On others, breadfruit, screwpine fruit, yam, sweet potatoes, and pumpkins were available, but islands devoted to fishing, faced starvation. This was due to what the Borahs did with the fish. Islands that had vegetable gardens were not affected.

29th August 2010, Male, Maldives, Maldivestoday.com

The MP of opposition Dhivehi Rayyithunge Party (DRP) Hon. Abdulla Abdul Raheem who represent Maafannu Dhekunu constituency resigned from DRP and signed for MDP lastnight and today withdraws his signature and joins back to DRP. Hon. Raheem met with the president of Maldives Mr. Mohamed Nasheed three times in the past in different occasions at the Muliaage Palace the official residence of president Nasheed. Rumours are there in the capital city of Male’ that Mr. Nasheed paid huge amounts of money to MP to make him join MDP. However, MP, Raheem denied such allegations and said that no money was involved.

Political experts argue that there is no decent objective of Mr. Nasheed to meet MP, Raheem other than to pay him and buy his votes or force him to join Nasheed’s MDP. In the past occasions MDP has paid members of parliament to buy votes and to make them join the party. MDP parliamentary group leader agreed on public having paid members of parliament. Early July MDP protested in the streets of Male’ in so called against corruption protest. However, it is important to note that nobody MDP parliamentarian has signed the opposition party. Its only the independent and opposition MPs who has signed MDP. This show who has paid money to MPs argues a political analyst in Maldives.

What was the reason behind MP, Raheem action?

1. Was he paid to join?

2. Did he want to teach a lesson to President Nasheed that not all MPs can be bought?

3. Was it a political drama?

4. Did MP took President Nasheed on wild goose chase?

Many questions and the reason yet to be known.

updates coming…

27th August, Male’, Maldives, Maldivestoday.com, Salim Waheed

Our city is not an easy place in which to live. Generally more expensive than any other capital in the region, Male’ is crowded beyond capacity. A thousand motorcycles line every road, cars without places to park at every turn, and the smog created by both suffocating any who dare to walk. Not only are our sidewalks too small, but our homes too overstuffed. Electricity, water, food; the list goes on and on.

And when it all just gets to be too much, we escape to where we can. The Artificial Beach, Jumhooree Maidhan, anywhere to get some space. Yet as I walk along stone pavement to those few clearings we have, I turn my head and look around and I do not see my countrymen. I do not see my people taking respite. As many pigeons as I see in my Republican Square, can I see foreigners crowding my spaces as well. In every direction that I turn, I am alienated in a space that is mine.

In my youth I would want to banish these usurpers. I would want these spaces cordoned off so that a National Identity Card would be required to enter this bare ground, these sanctuaries. Pigeons and foreigners both, I wanted to get rid of them. I wanted my spaces back. We deal with constant societal tension and neglect, and to demand a space for the release of such tension was my right. I ignored the tug at the back of my mind calling these thoughts racist, and refused to accept the dignity of others over the xenophobic tendencies which seem to run through my veins. But now I look back and have to ask: Is it really true? Is such constant and persistent (maybe even mild in some instances, but still ever-present) hatred so deeply rooted within our nation?

I was offended through my national pride that our national places were not ours anymore.

But maybe national pride is supposed to be more than outward patriotism. Maybe it’s working towards getting jobs for the 50 percent of youth who are without them. Maybe it’s addressing the government problems so that there are fewer foreign workers and no illegal aliens. It may even be ensuring those who remain are treated with respect and dignity. Should this not be part of our national pride? Should not all human dignity be part of our patriotism and duty?

Understanding why

But to move beyond our annoyance at them for being here and the illusion that it is a necessary annoyance, we must come to understanding.

Why are there workers in the country?

Why are they treated badly?

Why are there so many illegal aliens?

Why are more workers continually being brought in spite of this?

And how do we fix it?

Social Negligence

These foreign workers are here because there is a demand. Everything a Maldivian can do, a foreigner can do cheaper. Why can they do it cheaper? Not because they are more capable, or that all Maldivians are inherently lazy, but for the very reason they are treated badly.

They are not provided adequate housing, or basic needs such as sustenance. And when the cost going into them is so little, they can afford to offer themselves cheaply as it is their only means to survival. Fundamental human rights and levels of comfort we would demand as a basic need is so far beyond them that it is not their immediate concern. As the defenders and apologists of dictators the world over often say: What starving man thinks of rights?

But in this case we have collectively robbed them of their rights. Of their very human dignity. These men and women are brought here to live in squalid conditions and we allow it because someone has to do the job. So we justify injustice and go about our daily lives.

Why is it that people do not see, that if we just raise their basic standards of living to something that is acceptable to us, we would be able to encourage more Maldivians to enter their workforce as well? Why is it that we refuse to put a minimum wage standard for foreigners when we fought so hard to have it applied to ourselves? Why is it that even the foreign labourers that were employed by the government were only paid $50 USD a month up until recent years when it was increased to a $100 USD?

If we place a reasonable minimum wage, require basic necessities such as housing, bedding, water (to drink and wash), and food to be provided to those labourers brought in, then we even the playing field. Maldivians will be able to be competitive. As someone who owns a share in a construction company, I refuse the excuse that this will bankrupt our companies. I refuse the excuse that it is fiscally unviable. And I refuse any other excuse that would put basic human dignity and rights beyond one’s reach.

Government Negligence

The reason why there are so many illegal aliens is because people in the government (previous and current, legislative and executive) have not cared to address the situation properly. They had other more important matters, vested interests, and always the threat from the entire business community to contend with. Why fix a system that is not really broken? After all, the businesses benefit from cheap labour and a couple illegals here or there only means they will be even cheaper to hire.

While this is the reasoning behind the reality, the practical reason why illegal alien growth persists is mostly due to the quota system.

But let me explain the entire procedure first: If you want to bring a labourer, your business has to be licensed by the Ministry of Economic Development. Then you have to apply to the Ministry of Youth, Sports and Labour, explaining the projects you have and why you need the labour to begin with. This Ministry then issues you a quota of workers you can bring in after making a half-hearted attempt at hiring Maldivians you don’t really want to deal with.

When you want to bring in your labourers, you contact a broker and get the Ministry of Youth, Sports, and Labour to issue you your work permits for these people. These work permits are then shown to the Immigration Department under the Ministry of Home Affairs and visas are issued on arrival.

The quota system is slightly ridiculous for two reasons.

Firstly, as former Bangladeshi Ambassador Professor Selina Mohsin mentioned, many quotas are created with inadequate proposals and flimsy justification for the number of people needed. Excess people are then loaned out to other companies.

Secondly, conditions are so bad for workers, that when they run away, the Ministry simply reissues the company who lost them with new work permits so that they can still have their quota of people.

If we ignore the first issue as easily rectifiable with greater vigilance, we’re left with the second problem. If a company loses their employees, they are forced to put out an advertisement showing who they lost. But this still means that they are left without enough labour to complete their project. So the Ministry feels obligated to issue them new work permits without so much as a slap on the wrist, essentially allowing even more people into the country without addressing those already here.  The Immigration Department then has no choice but to offer visas to whomever new work permits are issued to.

No government administration has tried to penalise companies for losing people or for providing such inadequate housing and provision for employees. The government has not been active in trying to guarantee the rights of foreign workers, and there has been no thought of creating requirements of minimum wages, clean bedding, water for washing, and suitable sustenance for foreigners. Parliament and the Ministries have taken very little action.

The illegal hordes

The Labour Ministry’s solution was to document illegal aliens, and when people ran away from hostile work environments, they would make those here illegally take the runaway’s place. The business community revolted and we have seen little implementation of this practice since its inception.

The conditions are so bad that many would choose homelessness and destitution, begging for any work that is available so that they can survive. Many become runners for the local drug dealers and spend their days delivering these products of sin. Those who are lucky find Maldivian wives, who (as one person told me) then “feed them, shelter them, and massage their feet.”

Many who do this work for a while and make enough to return to their families in their places of origin, leaving their Maldivian wives without much recourse. This exploitation of Maldivian women caused the Immigration Department to enact regulations that ensure foreigners could provide for themselves and would not be leeches to their Maldivian partners.

But still more foreigners flee from their Maldivian masters and become illegal aliens in this country. And because they flee we bring in more and more people. Last month alone, over two thousand foreign labourers were brought into the country. At this rate, the foreign population in the Maldives will rival our own within our life time (sooner if we take into account our declining birthrate).

Dignity

To deny a person basic needs, to make him dependent, but also desperate to get away is to make that man a slave.

That what we have in this country is referred to only as human trafficking not outright slave trade is something the government should be grateful for.

We need to change and be the instruments of that change. We need to pass legislation holding companies accountable. We need to respect foreigners’ basic right to human dignity, and put forward a minimum wage that will level the playing field between Maldivians and foreigners.

When more of us work side by side with them, we will have less hostility to those who are in our spaces. What is more, fewer of them will be there, and we will be content to share something that is ours, because we will not feel overwhelmed and isolated.

National dignity and pride can only be achieved when we uphold the dignity of all of those within our borders. When we recognise our prejudices and expunge our xenophobia as something unworthy and distasteful.

25th August, 1500hrs, Male’, Maldives, Maldivestoday.com

The president of Male’ municipalty financer of MDP Mr. Sarangu Adam Manik has snatched the video camera of independent private broadcaster, DHITV. The incident occured today outside Huravee Building where Male’ Municipalty houses its office. DHITV camera crew were taking a footage outside the building and the area while Mr. Sarangu Adam Manik confronted and threatned the TV crew and snatched the camera and attacked the journalist. Mr. Manik also said that he will not issue the camera without police order. Mr. Manik is frequently seen outiside his office building smoking during office hours. He has also bought 3-4 pieces of prime land from Male’ after becoming the president of Male’ Municipalty.

While Male’ Municipalty president seized the video Camera of the DHITV the government has refused to handover the state media TVM & Radio Maldives to newly formed Maldives Broadcasting Corporation (MBC). Mr. Nasheed government refused to act on the parliament bill on establishing public broadcaster. On the day the bill was passed by the parliament, Mr. Hussain Afeef the political advisor to president, publicly announced that they will not handover the state media to independent MBC board. Opposition claims that the state media has been hijacked by the government.

Early this year Mr. Nasheed’s government also deducted points from the DHITV for telecasting an opposition protest live. The police officers also entered into the premises of DHITV during the event and asked them to shut down and stop the live telecast. This is in clear violation of the constitution and democratic values. Mr. Nasheed’s government came to power in the name of free media and democratic values, however, it clear that the person who proclaimed as the champion of democracy has hijacked state media, and his political appointees are systematically threatening and free media. The act of Male’ municapalty president Mr. Sarangu Adam Manik’s seizure of DHITV camera is one of the many acts of the current government against independent media in the country.

25th August, 15:15 Male’, Maldives, Maldivestoday.com

The five stare resort Kurumaba Maldives has resumed its operation after the resort was shut down following the strike by its employees. Police arrested 19 of the strikers.

The management of the resort now agrees that they understand the some of the issues of the employees and will look into it. However, the resort claims that they have lost millions in lost business.

updates coming

25th August 2010, Male’, Maldives, Maldivestoday.com

Today the civil court of Maldives made a judgement that Hon. Abdulla Yameen, MP for Mulaku Constituency was held captive by the armed forces was in violation of his rights and in violation of the the article 14, 91, 12, 62, 03, 73, 54 and 64 of the Maldivian constitution.

Hon. Qasim Ibrahim and Hon. Abdulla Yameen was arrested, detained and held captive by the police and armed forces during late June and early July. They were detained and help captive multi times during the aftermath of resignation of Maldives cabinet en masse on 28th of June. The resigned Minister’s created chaos in the streets of Male’, and attacked opposition politician residences. The immature and irresponsible action of Nasheed’s government was condemned by the international community for not upholding democratic values and arbitrary arrest of opposition politicians and undermining the parliament.

24th August 2010, 11:30, Maldives, Maldivestoday.com

19 Strikers arrested

19 of the 200 staff striking at Kurumba Maldives have been arrested and detained at Dhoonidhoo Detention Centre. It’s the same jail where heavy weight political figures were detained recently and during 2004. The employees have called off the strike after Police detained 19 of the participants and removed them from Kurumba Maldives and transferred them to the notorious Dhoonidhoo Detention Centre late last night.

The Police say that they are not under arrest but held to investigate a complaint made by the management of the resort regarding damages done to the resort property.  This is the same story that the police gave after detaining leader of JP and Leader of PA few weeks back. At the time police didnot obey the court order and later they lost the case against the detained two political opponents.

Strikes in Maldivian resorts are defacing the good name that Maldives have earned as tourist destination.

Impact on the tourism industry

The strike and subsequent shut down of the resort operation is going to negative impact the overall tourism industry of the Maldives which is already performing low. Many of the resorts are under financial crisis and dont attract many tourists, rates have been sliced. The foreign tour operators will hesitate to send their tourists to Maldives due to incidents of this nature. The investor confidence on Maldives is going to be lost due to lack of protection on their million dollar resort property. We have learned that some of the local businessmen have started investing in other destinations such as Sri Lanka, Seychelles, Mauritius, Dubai and Thailand where the investment confidence and risk is lower.

Working for or against the tourism industry

It is also important that the very people who started and ran a boycott Maldives campaign few years back are in the government now. President Nasheed’s close associate and Founder of Friends of Maldives in UK, Mr. David Hardingham was behind planning and implementing the boycott campaign. The boycott campaign team also included President Nasheed, Aliu Shiyam, Current economic advisor to president, Mr. Simon Hawkins, current consultant and incharge of Maldives Tourism Promotion Board. Hence, there integrity to the nation and to the tourism industry is questionable.

Tourism Employees Association of Maldives “TEAM”

TEAM became very silent of matters concerning resort workers once MDP came to power and its president was elected to parliament as a member of MDP. The current president of TEAM ” Tourism Employees Association of Maldives” Mr. Ahmed Eesa is using the NGO to promote his party MDP propaganda and to anger the employees of resorts instead of trying to protect their rights through legislation and through better government policies. It’s is funny that being a member of Ruling MDP and its parliamentary group Mr. Eesa is still pointing his finger to the resort owners instead of asking his government colleagues to improve things for the employees of the resorts.

Maldives Association of Tourism Industry “MATI”

Sim Mohamed Ibrahim from the Maldives Association of Tourism Industry (MATI) described the industrial action at Kurumba as “a clear reflection of what little protection is provided to investors and businesses under the present laws pertaining to the conduct of business in the country.”

“The reality of the situation is that an investment of millions of dollars can be crippled andheld at ransom within a few hours by its own employees, whose grievances may or may not be real,” Sim said, adding that this situation had recently occurred in several resorts.

“The situation in Kurumba is a case in point. On Sunday August 22 the resort occupancy [percentage] was in the 80’s. Towards evening that day occupancy had fallen to less than 20% percent,” Sim said. “Tourists, tour operators and senior management have been too terrified to remain in the resort, and today the resort is empty.”

“There should be no ground for any party to reduce visitors and businesses in this country to a state of fear and terror, whoever may be at fault. The government must provide tourists and investors with adequate protection,” Sim said.

Maldives Association of Travel Agents and Tour Operators “MATATO”

Otherwise a vocal association MATATO has so far failed to say anything on the strike in Kurumba Maldives. We have learned that some of the foreign operators are concerned about the incident in Kurumba and fear the welfare of the guests. The incident in Kurumba is also going to negatively impact the travel agents business.

Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture

There is no Minister currently in the ministry of tourism to head its activities. Nasheed has so far failed to appoint a Tourism Minister after Dr. Sawad was transferred to Attorney General Office. Tourism Ministry has recently failed to follow and implement the policies laid down in the 3rd Tourism Master plan from 2007-2011. Instead adhoc policies from Tourism Ministry, Housing Ministry, Fisheries Ministry is taking the tourism industry into great risks. Tourism Ministry, MATI, MATATO and other stakeholders were not consulted when the government gave Male’ International Airport to Indian GMR. It is likely that we might see another strike in the Maldives main Airport as GMR has started dismissing some of the airport staff.

Recently Tourism Ministry invited investors to bid for 4 islands to be developed as tourist resorts. However, only one of the resorts were actually awarded to the bidder. The remain three failed to acquire required acquisition cost. This is first in the history of Maldives Tourism industry resort bids offer were rejected by investors. It’s clear indication that Nasheed’s government tourism policy has failed.

Maldives Tourism Promotion Board

The board is headed by former employee of Minivan News Mr. Simon Hawkins from UK. Close friend of David Hardingham and Nasheed. Nasheed’s government is planning to shut down MTPB and transfer some of its work to Maldives Public Relations Corporation. It is believe that this corporation is likely to do government face lifting and other policies to promote Nasheed’s government instead promoting Maldives as a destination. Majority of the educated and experienced employees of MTPB has resigned due to government’s negligence. The resigned staff include Ismail Shaheer, Murad Hassan, Abdulla Naeem, Mohamed Maleeh Jamal and many more professional Maldivian employees. Since, their departure the board has almost ceased its operation and remain silent until their day of burial.

Tourism was once considered the the hen that lays golden egg are in the verge of being beheaded. Maldives will go completely bankrupt if the tourism industry fails even today.