Is Judicial Independence Under Threat in the Maldives?

Is Judicial Independence Under Threat in the Maldives[1]

Overview

On 11 November 2008, Mohamed Nasheed was elected to office as President of the Republic, following the very first pluralist democratic election in the country’s history.  The election itself was a major step forward in the country’s march towards a modern democracy.  Earlier in the year, the Maldives had adopted a new Constitution that international observers had described as being on par with the most established democracies in the West.

A key feature of the new Constitution was the adoption of a Presidential System of Governance, with full separation of powers.  The judiciary, of which the highest appellate had previously been the President, was to be headed by a Chief Justice appointed, similarly to the United States. A Supreme Court was founded.  A Judicial Service Commission was established.

Mohamed Nasheed, in the run-up to the election, had promised to uphold the rule of law, and to respect the independence of the judiciary.  However, from the early days of his regime, a catalogue of incidents began unfolding that resulted in widespread skepticism over his willingness to uphold the Constitution, adhere to governing laws, and forge ahead with the democratic process.

The Case of Civil Court Judge Mohamed Hilmy

At around 9pm on the night of 12th November 2009, Civil Court Judge Mohamed Hilmy visited Hulhumale’ – barely a kilometer from the capital Male’ – to meet with his fiancée Ms Aminath Ali. Ms Aminath Ali – a State Attorney at the Prosecutor General’s Office – is a resident of Hulhumale. From there Judge Hilmy and Ms Ali went for a motorbike ride around the island, and stopped in a brightly-lighted area on the beachfront.

When they were about to leave for home, a group of some five police officers rushed towards them. Without asking them a single question, they handcuffed Justice Hilmy, forcibly pulled down both Justice Hilmy’s and his fiancee’s pants down.  They then beganto beat Justice Hilmy. They abused Justice Hilmy verbally and continued beating him for over 40 minutes, after which they brought a camera and took several photographs of Justice Hilmy and his fiancée.  When Justice Hilmy told them that he was a serving Judge, one of the police man replied “we will show you the consequences of being a Judge”. Justice Hilmy is still recovering from the injuries he sustained during the police assault. 1

On the very first working day after the incident (15th November), Justice Hilmy lodged a complaint with the Commissioner of Police and the Judicial Services Commission. On the same day, the Judges’ Association of Maldives lodged complaints with the Police Integrity Commission and the Human Rights Commission.

However, on 19th November, in one of the fastest ever such investigations, the police submitted the case to the Prosecutor General. Sources within the Prosecutor General’s Office have revealed that the Home Minister and the Commissioner of Police personally met with senior officials at the Prosecutor General’s Office, and demanded for the case to be expedited. Three days later on 23rd November, the Prosecutor General’s Office charged Justice Hilmy and his fiancée Ms Aminath Ali with public indecency before the Criminal Court. The Prosecutor General’s Office, the Commissioner of Police and the Home Minister did not deem it necessary to wait for the outcome of the investigations by either the Human Rights Commission or the Police Integrity Commission.

The first hearing of the case was held on 7th December, in which Justice Hilmy and his fiancée Ms Aminath Ali pleaded not guilty.

Justice Hilmy and his fiancée Ms Aminath Ali have married on 24th November 2009.

Background

1.  The 2008 Constitution paved the way to usher in a fully independent judiciary. Over the past year, Judges in the Maldives have gained much needed confidence in discharging their duties with full independence and without any external pressures.. Various courts, including the country’s highest court – the Supreme Court, had passed a series of judgments that infuriated the first democratically-elected President – President Nasheed and his administration. Unable to operate within the confines of the law, and thereby accept the supremacy of the Constitution and the independence of the judiciary, President Nasheed launched a thinly-veiled campaign to “cut the judiciary in size”. Mr. Hilmy’s case is but one such incident in a growing catalogue ofassaults on the judiciary.

2.  During the first few months of the Nasheed regime, Justice Hilmy had presided over a number of high profile cases.  Some of which are:

  1. Former President Gayoom lodged a case against the government, seeking a court order that, under the Constitution, he is not obliged to appear before a Presidential Commission set by President Nasheed to investigate past misdeeds. The Civil Court, presided over by Justice Hilmy, ruled in favour of the Former President.

b.  Justice Hilmy was the presiding judge in a well-publicized defamation case brought by President Nasheed’s Foreign Minister against the President of the Islamic Democratic Party (IDP) and vocal critic of the government, Mr. Umar Naseer. Mr. Naseer alleged that the Foreign Minister had taken some Two million United States Dollars in bribes from a well-known Kosovan businessman-cum-politician for the recognition of Kosovo as an independent state. During the course of the second hearing on this case, Justice Hilmy almost threw out the case on procedural grounds. Now the case will be heard by a different judge.

  1. Justice Hilmy presided over a case in which a man claimed to have entitlement over a government apartment on Hulhumale. He produced a letter from the Deputy State Minister for Home Affairs, Mr. Adam Naseer, in which the Minister stated that the claimant’s home was damaged beyond repair during the 2004 Asian Tsunami, and that the land on which the house was build had since been inundated. Inquiries from the Island Office by Justice Hilmy revealed that the Minister had fabricated the whole story. Justice Hilmy noted this in his judgment.

d.  Justice Hilmy presided over a case regarding the disputed resort Herethere Resort located in Addu Atoll.  The dispute arose between the public company with government shareholding, Maldives Tourism Development Corporation (MTDC) and the private company controlled by ex-MP Mr. Abdulla Jabir, Yacht Tours Maldives (YTM). Both Mr. Jabir’s spouse Ms Diyana Saeed had served as Attorney General in the Nasheed regime until she resigned citing President Nasheed’s lack of respect for the Constitution.  Mr. Jabir himself is a strong critic of the present administration. The Government first accused Justice Hilmy of delaying the judgment. When Justice Hilmy passed the judgment on April 28, 2009, the government accused him of delaying the report.2 The government also demanded a criminal investigation of the delay in issuing the judgment and the report, called on the Judicial Service Commission (the body empowered by the Constitution to take disciplinary actions against the Judges) to investigate the matter. A press statement issued by the Civil Court on 4th June 2009 noted the following:

        1. The case was filed on 13th January 2009.
        2. The first hearing was held on 18th January 2009.
        3. The judgment was passed down on 28th April 2009.
        4. Between the filing of the case and the judgment, no less than fourteen hearings were held.
        5. More than five hundred (500) pages of documents, and three-and-a-half hours of video footages were reviewed.
        6. A court-appointed survey team had surveyed the resort.
        7. Considering the above facts, the accusation that the judgment was delayed is unsubstantiated.
  1. In a case lodged by R.K.L Group Pvt. Ltd. against Island Transport Pvt Ltd (of which ruling party MP Mr. Mohamed Musthafa is a shareholder), the respondent refused to appear before the Court. The Police ignored repeated Court summons orders and refrained from arresting Mr. Musthafa. Finally, Civil Court Judge Naeem , in August 2009, summoned the Police Commissioner to appear before the Court to explain his actions in failing to comply with the court order against Mr. Musthafa. The Commissioner too defied the Court order. Justice Naeem threatened to issue an arrest warrant against the Police Commissioner. To resolve the matter, a meeting between Civil Court Judges and senior police officials was arranged on the night of 19th August 2009.  The meeting wasattended by Commissioner of Police Ahmed Faseeh, Deputy Commissioner of Police Ahmed Fayaz and other high-ranking police officials. The Civil Court was represented by Justice Ali Sameer, Justice Aisha Shujune Mohamed, Justice Hathif Hilmy, Justice Ali Naseer, Justice Abdulla Jameel, and Justice Hilmy. During the course of the meeting, Justice Hilmy had asked the Police Commissioner to comply with the court order or to appeal against the court order to the High Court. At this point, one of the police officers attending the meeting had said “we too can do things to show our power. We can lock up a judge up to 24-hours without a charge or arrest warrant. We can them claim that he was brought for an investigation only. No one can ask any question”. With this threat, the police team walked out of the meeting. Immediately, the Civil Court bench met the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and communicated to him the threat issued by the Police.

3.  Long-established prosecution policies of the Prosecutor General’s Office (and its predecessor the Attorney General’s Office) in identical cases is that the charges would be dropped if the couple thereafter are bound in wedlock. However, in Justice Hilmy’s case, the Prosecutor General has departed from this long established practice, yet again raising serious questions.

Repeated Assaults on the Judiciary

From day one, President Nasheed found it difficult to operate within the Rule of Law. The President could not accept the fact that judiciary could declare government actions illegal and laws contrary to the Constitution as unconstitutional. As a result, the President and his administration were at odds with the judiciary. Below are some examples:

1.  The Judicial Service Commission, since its inception on 4th September 2008, holds three functions. (1) appointment of lower court judges (2) advice the President on the appointment of Superior Court Judges (3) discipline judges. However, shortly after assuming office, President Nasheed, through his Maldivian Democratic Party’s Parliamentary Group Chair, as well as the President of the Judicial Service Commission, Mr. Hassan Afeef, tried arbitrarily to broaden the mandate of the Commission. The Supreme Court on 2nd December 2008 declared the action unconstitutional. But President Nasheed’s administration refused to respect the verdict of the country’s highest court.

2.  On 4th February 2009, the  Chief Judge of the Civil Court, Justice Shuaib was warned, demoted and transferred to the Juvenile Court when he defended the Supreme Court decision in an official meeting with the members of the Judicial Service Commission.3

3.  Article 296 of the 2008 Constitution stipulated that Parliamentary Elections be held before 15th February 2009. When the Supreme Court ruled that the 15th February 2009 deadline should be honoured by President Nasheed’s administration, the government disregarded the ruling and MPs from the ruling MDP ridiculed the Supreme Court Justices on the parliamentary floor.  Sessions of Parliament are telecast live by the national broadcaster in the Maldives. The ruling party then went on an extensive smear campaign against the Supreme Court Justices on the government-controlled national broadcaster TVM and VOM.

4.  Having witnessed the government’s harsh and uncompromising words and the violent conduct of ruling party activistsfollowing the supreme court decision, there is widespread fear and apprehension in bringing forward such cases before the supreme court in the future.  Further, such actions undoubtedly exerts undue pressure on the Justices of the Supreme Court, in ensuring that all their rulings are free of external influences, in particular those exerted by the government.

5.   In 2006, the Government had sent eighteen promising students to read law at the International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM), as part of the democratic reform agenda objective to strengthen the judiciary. They were assured of appointments to the Bench upon completion of their course. However, President Nasheed, through his MDP’s Parliamentary Group Chair and President of the Judicial Service Commission, Mr. Hassan Afeef, appointed locally trained people in favour of these overseas trained legal practitioners.

5.  On the night of 2nd June 2009, the newly-appointed Attorney General Mr. Husnu-al-Soodh openly criticised the judiciary in an MDP rally held in the capital Male’. And on the very next day, Attorney General Soodh held a live press conference, in which he leveled further criticism at the Justices of the Civil Court, as well as the Chief Justice. On 8th June 2009, the opposition DRP/PA parliamentary alliance tabled an emergency motion in Parliament to debate the issue.

6.  On 15th July 2009, the Cabinet instructed, in violation of the Constitution, to conduct an investigation against Criminal Court Chief Judge Justice Addullah. Justice Abdullah was summoned to the police station and his statements were taken. Under the Constitution, the Judicial Service Commission is the sole authority empowered with investigating and questioning members of the judiciary. The government’s actions were triggered by Chief Judge Justice Abdullah’s refusal to issue certain arrest and search warrants demanded by the Police. Later, the police raided a number of premises, includingthe Bank of Maldives and homes and offices of leading opposition figures, without judicial search warrants. This was the first time a sitting judge was arrested and interrogated by police since 1997!

7.  On 5th November 2009, the Criminal Court had retuned, on procedural grounds, two high profile cases filed by the Prosecutor General involving the Former Speaker of Parliament and Cabinet Minister, Mr. Abdulla Hameed and the Former State Minister of Higher Education and current Deputy Speaker of Parliament, MP Ahmed Nazim.. Instead of complying with the procedural requirements or appealing against the Criminal Court decision, on 16th November 2009, President Nasheed chose to send a letter to the Judicial Service Commission seeking an investigation into the matter. The President also discussed the matter in Cabinet. Thereafter, the Court accepted the two cases, apparently without any alterations or any attempts to iron out the procedural issues highlighted in the first case.

8.  When the opposition attempted to conduct a parliamentary debate on the arrest of the Criminal Court Chief Judge, members of the President Nasheed’s parliamentary group disrupted parliamentary proceedings. A large number of MDP also gathered outside the Parliament and confronted the Police, while the session was ongoing.  A similar gathering was held outside the Criminal Court, in which threatens of physical harm were issued against Judges and opposition MPs.

9.  President Nasheed, through his Attorney General, has requested the Judicial Service Commission to sack the Criminal Court Chief Judge from office. So far, the Judicial Service Commission has held two hearings on this matter.

10.  Recently, the Government, against the clear orders of the sitting Magistrate and instruction from the Judicial Administration, tried to possess forcibly part of the court room on the Island of Mulhadhoo in Haa Alif Atoll.  The government’s objective was to give the premises to a government-owned company. The Government backed off only after the Magistrate threatened with contempt of court proceedings. However, the Government forcefully took possession of another court building on the island of Ganin Laam Atoll.

11.  The government’s orchestrated campaign to undermine the judiciary was clearly evident when it proposed in its consolidated Budget for 2010 to reduce the budgetary allocation to the judiciary by 48 percent. This reduction comes despite the fact that overall national for 2010 shows little or no change in total figures from the preceding year.

12.  Through explicit threats, the Government has created a culture of fear and apprehension among the members of the judiciary. As a result, some judges are increasingly “parking” politically-sensitive cases, including cases where fundamental rights have been violated and in cases where other constitutional provisions are challenged.1

13.  The 2008 Constitution requires the Parliament to confirm judges within its two-year transition period. The Government has so far failed to speedup the process, despite repeated calls to do so by the opposition. As a result, some judges have been reluctant to attend cases that may rub the Government the wrong way.

We, therefore, urge the international community:

  1. to exert pressure on the government to uphold the Constitution, respect the rule of law at all times, and to uphold judicial independence in the country;

b.  to attend Justice Hilmy’s trial and assist Justice Hilmy in the preparation of his defense; and

  1. to attend the hearings of Justice Abdullah and urge the Judicial Service Commission to ensure that he receives and impartial and fair judgment.

The Dhivehi Qaumee Party (DQP) expresses its concern that President Nasheed, who came to power in the name of democracy and with a clear mandate to forge ahead with democratic reforms in the Maldives, is fast departing from democratic norms and principles and adopting dictatorial tendencies. As President Obama had said, he is becoming “ruthless in suppressing the rights of others once in power”.

A Freedom House study clearly shows that:

“In a preponderance of successful transitions, the most dramatic improvements in freedom tend to come quickly – in the first years of a transition, rather than slowly and incrementally over a long period of time.”  How Freedom is Won: From Civic Resistance to Durable Democracy, Freedom House Study (2005), p.  5


[1] This report was prepared by Dr. Hassan Saeed and Dr. Mohamed Jameel Ahmed. Dr. Hassan was the former Attorney General (2003-2007) and Special Advisor to President Nasheed. Dr. Jameel was the former Justice Minister (2005-2007). He also served as the Minister for Civil Aviation and Communication under President Nasheed. Further biographic details can be found at: http://www.raajjechambers.com.mv

Maldivian Government Denying Right to Information

December 13th, 2009

Number: DQP/2009/PR-008

Date: 13 December 2009

Maldivian Government Denying Right to Information

Today (13th December 2009) Civil Court held its first hearing of a lawsuit filed by Dhivehi Qaumee Party (DQP) or the Maldivian National Party against the Ministry of Finance and Treasury. DQP is suing the Ministry of Finance and Treasury for its failure/refusal to provide information DQP had requested.  This is a series of lawsuits DQP is planning against President’s Nasheed’s one year old government for refusal/failure to provide information as required by the Constitution.

DQP is suing Ministry of Finance and Treasury in the Civil Court for its refusal/failure to provide information:

  1. Overseas travel expenses of Minister/State Minister/equal rank officials from November 11, 2008 – 23rd June 2009;
  2. Business addresses of some five “paper companies” the government setup to give fat salaries to MDP activists,
  3. Constitutional documents, salaries of Board of Directors, paid-up capital, number of employees and their salaries) of two wholly government owned companies (i.e. Gulhifalhu Industrial Company Limited and Southern Utilities Ltd)
  4. Cars/vehicles given to government officials and the policy by which cars/vehicles are given.

DQP’s repeated requests, including threats of legal action, have failed to persuade the Ministry of Finance and Treasury to provide the information. Several other ministries and departments, including Ministry of Defense and National Security, Ministry of Islamic Affairs, and the President’s Office have refused/failed to provide information DQP has requested. In fact, the Government has even refused to provide information requested by DQP Parliamentary Members in their official capacity.

Information the Government has refused so far

Below is a list of information DQP has requested and the government has so far refused/failed to provide:

Date sought Information sought Responsible office
15 June 09
  • Criteria by which the President made nominations to Elections Commission.
President’s Office
3rd Sep 09
  • Expenses of Vice-President’s Australia trip.
President’s Office
4th Oct 09
  • Expenses of President’s New York trip
President’s Office
4th Oct 09
  • Information on establishment of diplomatic relations with Israel, including clarifications on certain allegation of briber, corruption, commercial interests.
President’s Office
11th Oct 09
  • Reasons for terminations of transport services in Addu and Fuvahmulah by a State Company (MTCC) and award of that contract (including a resort in fully operational condition) to a major campaign contributor and MDP activist.
President’s Office
13th Oct 09
  • Name and identification details of a prisoner President Nasheed claimed (during British Conservative Party Annual Conference) to have released from prison who is said to have been imprisoned calling President Qayyooms’ resignation.
President’s Office
15th June 09
  • Reason for bringing in and subsequently freeing the son of Male Municipality President who was serving a life imprisonment in Sri Lanka for trying to smuggle large amounts of drug.
Ministry of Home Affairs
15th June 09
  • When and how the Government expects to address sewerage and clean water issues in Seenu Atoll Maradhoo / Maradhoo Feydhoo
Ministry of Housing Transport & Environment
24th June 09
  • Details of land allocations made from the industrial island of Thilafushi since President Nasheed came to power.
Thilafushi Corporation Limited

Constitutional Provisions

  1. Article 29 of the 2008 Constitution provides right to information as a fundamental right.
  2. Article 16 allows restriction on fundamental rights by legislation. However, all such restrictions must be:
    1. reasonable, and
    2. should be justified in a free and democratic society.
    3. Article 69 of the 2008 Constitution clearly prohibits interpretation of any of the provision of the Constitution in a manner that would nullify/defeat any of the fundamental rights under the Constitution.
    4. Article 68 requires Courts and Tribunals, when interpreting provisions on fundamental rights, to do so in a manner that would promote an open and democratic society based on human dignity, equality and freedom.
    5. Article 68 further requires Courts and Tribunals, when interpreting provisions on fundamental rights, to rely on international conventions and treaties to which the Maldives is a party.

International Conventions/Treaties

  1. Maldives has acceded to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Article 19 clearly provides for right to information.
  2. In its very first session in 1946, the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 59(I), stating:

“Freedom of information is a fundamental human right and … the touchstone of all the freedoms to which the United Nations is consecrated.”

Abid Hussain, the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and Expression, elaborated on this in his 1995 Report to the UN Commission on Human Rights, stating:

Freedom will be bereft of all effectiveness if the people have no access to information. Access to information is basic to the democratic way of life. The tendency to withhold information from the people at large is therefore to be strongly checked.

  1. Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in November 1999 adopted the following:

Freedom of information should be guaranteed as a legal and enforceable right permitting every individual to obtain records and information held by the executive, the legislative and the judicial arms of the state, as well as any government owned corporation and any other body carrying out public functions.

  1. Right to freedom of information is well protected by the Constitution. However, the “first democratic” government in the country, is refusing to implement/facilitate this right.
  2. The country’s repealed 1997 Constitution did not provide freedom of information as a fundamental right. However, to facilitate access to information Reformist Ministers of President Qayyoom’s administration introduced “Right to Freedom of Regulation” to facilitate this right.
  3. However, the 2008 Constitution unambiguously provides right to information as a fundamental right and yet President Nasheed’s administration continues to rely on Administrative Directives issued by President Qayyoom under 1997 Constitution to restrict and deny this right.
  4. DQP’s crusade to obtain firsthand information from the Government is to expose allegation of widespread corruption in President Nasheed’s administration. This include award of resorts to major campaign contributors, award of government contracts without competitive bid process, allegations of acceptance of bribe by senior government officials/friends/family members of President Nasheed in exchange for recognition/establishment of diplomatic relations, offering bribes in exchange for votes in the Parliament.

We, therefore, urge the international community to put pressure on the Government of the Maldives to respect fundamental rights enshrined under its Constitution as well as under ICCPR. We are worried that if left unchecked President Nasheed’s administration would likely be, as President Obama said ruthless in suppressing the rights of others once in power.

We are also worried that without international pressure President Nasheed’s one year old administration is fast drifting towards dictatorship. Freedom House study clearly shows that:

“In a preponderance of successful transitions, the most dramatic improvements in freedom tend to come quickly – in the first years of a transition, rather than slowly and incrementally over a long period of time.”  How Freedom is Won: From Civic Resistance to Durable Democracy, Freedom House Study (2005), p.  5

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